Such governmental coercion usually takes the form of various policy tools aimed at changing the incentive structures governing behavioural choices, either by increasing the attractiveness of preferred behaviour or by exacerbating the negative impact of an undesired behavioural choice. The global nature of OA creates a need for global cooperation but the lack of a supranational authority and limited enforcement mechanisms at that scale suggest that legal measures to initiate multilateral cooperation must take the form of voluntary entered into agreements and treaties.
Thus, this set-up is largely dependent on the will and the ability of individual states. This can be extremely tricky to achieve see e. Barrett Although not directed towards OA specifically, several international legal regimes addressing the direct and indirect sources of OA are already in place.
Despite increasing knowledge about OA, the global climate regime contains no provisions explicitly aimed at or related to OA. This has triggered proposals for the elaboration of a specific international agreement focusing on combating OA Kim or for at least highlighting OA as a problem separate from climate change within the present agreements Herr et al. These global-level agreements must be implemented in domestic or in the case of the EU, regional legal systems to directly affect the legal situation of individuals or companies.
Implementation leaves significant discretion for individual states to choose instruments and methods that are consistent with their legal traditions and political preferences resulting in diverse rules and mechanisms subsequently employed in different jurisdictions.
Governments across the world, have proposed, developed, and implemented many pro-environmental policy measures in their attempts to overcome large-scale collective-action problems and, thus, to induce positive individual-level behavioural changes Jordan ; Sterner and Coria ; IPCC Rather than focusing on OA per se, relevant current literature is concerned with policy measures aimed at lowering CO 2 emissions for the purpose of mitigating climate change.
In general, economic policy responses aim to alter incentive structures by directly addressing market failures i. Cap and Trade; see Hepburn Such policies have been extensively studied in the context of climate change reduction, but, in principle, OA mitigation could be achieved by the same means.
The use of CO 2 taxes is widely regarded as one of the most cost-effective means of limiting emissions and changing behaviour, and has been implemented in Sweden since with gradually increasing public support Jagers and Hammar ; Jagers and Matti Similarly, taxes on the commercial use of fertilizers and pesticides as well as on land-based NO x and SO x emissions have been in place since the early s.
Other types of economic policy tools that currently are, or could be, directed towards reductions of emission include pull-instruments that subsidize more favourable alternatives. These can target the production of alternative energy sources e.
Several such subsidies are already implemented in Sweden. In contrast to regulations and market-based instruments, informative policy tools serve to highlight the problem aiming to initiate voluntary action and increase support for implementing more coercive policy tools.
Informative policy tools can also decrease information asymmetries between different actors. Examples of information instruments include eco-labelling or certification schemes for products or technologies, and collection and disclosure of data on identified greenhouse gas emissions by significant polluters Krarup and Russell Such types of policy can also trigger changes in social norms if the information can change the perception of large groups in society about what is accepted behaviour and what is not Nyborg et al.
Nonetheless, as research demonstrates that people are largely unaware of OA and its potential consequences Leiserowitz et al. Stern et al. A second aspect of information relates to appropriate provision of research for understanding the mechanisms underlying OA and its impacts. Identifying what levels of OA might be acceptable would require assessing all the trade-offs between valuable economic activities that generate OA i.
CO 2 , the harm to society caused by the resulting increase in OA but also the economic values and losses arising from activities that amplify the negative effects of OA. Consequently, the optimal price of CO 2 to society cannot be calculated, making it difficult to calibrate any policy instrument targeting OA in Sweden.
This task is currently intractable given the relatively low levels of knowledge in particular about the impacts of OA. More knowledge is needed about the problem and its causes and about ways of targeting the problem Armstrong et al. As with OA mitigation, however, research is a public good, which necessitates governmental intervention. Adaptation does not target the causes of the problem but rather aims to maintain social well-being in spite of OA.
These types of strategy are likely to be easier to apply than mitigation strategies, especially in the short term, because symptoms of OA are problematic at local and regional levels where people can also address them Cooley and Doney Hence adaptation usually requires less coordination effort than global mitigation policies, and those efforts are typically located at the local and regional level where relevant national institutions are usually already in place.
Nonetheless, practical examples of OA adaptation remain scarce, and the barriers to negotiate are in many ways the same as those for mitigation strategies, including collective-action problems and information deficits. Three broad types of adaptation strategy can be identified, spanning structural—physical, social, and institutional adaptation. All of these require further government policies and programmes to be initiated and funded IPCC In addition to the main strategies outlined in this section, broader adaptation potential can be increased through capacity-building activities such as infrastructural improvements, increasing institutional capacity, information, and access to resources Smit et al.
Ecosystem resilience to OA can be strengthened in the short term by alleviating pressure from other stressors, e. Ecosystems with higher diversity are more resilient to other forms of environmental stress, including OA as available data suggests. CBD As long as ecosystems remain within critical thresholds, human activities such as fisheries and aquaculture can adapt to change.
For example, the effects of OA and warming on shallow seagrass ecosystems are similar to the effects of eutrophication and increased fishing pressure Alsterberg et al. Furthermore, counteracting OA by alkalinization may be useful in hotspots such as coastal environments but seems to have very limited potential and feasibility at larger scales e. In two recent publications, Osborne et al. The impacts of OA are likely to affect ecosystem services produced in the oceans.
Turley and Gattuso list broad categories of OA impacts on these services including fisheries, aquaculture and food security, coastal protection, tourism, climate regulation, and carbon storage. OA may strengthen some services and reduce others. Negatively affected provisioning services e. A key question is then to what degree those fish may be substituted? For example, fish can become relatively more expensive than other sources of protein and market forces will then automatically steer the economy towards less dependence on fish.
This may, however, increase production of substitutes like land animals that can generate higher release of CO 2 compared to fish, thus further adding to climate change and OA. If such transition processes are slow and costly, progress may be accelerated by: i compensating losers e. However, substitutes for the goods or services damaged by OA may not always be available e. Hence, societal priorities will be forced to target less-damaged or undamaged goods and services.
In the extreme case when life-support systems are affected and no substitute is available, this could have catastrophic impacts on human well-being although such impacts are perhaps unlikely to arise from OA. This is true even if the absence of substitutes is temporary. These types of response can be deployed either by individual countries or through multilateral cooperation. Changes in the provision of marine ecosystem services arising from OA will likely generate redistributions of resources between user groups.
For example, the different responses of two Arctic fishing communities to the disappearance of north-west Atlantic cod stocks led to two very different outcomes—one community lost substantially while the other was able to target other species and increased income McCain et al. The opportunity for such responses may, however, be limited if OA has negative impacts on most fish species.
However, avoiding the establishment of spurious incentives that effectively reward some sections of society for not managing the change is vital, and therefore such strategies should be transitional Dixit and Londregan This review outlined the societal aspects of OA aiming to identify its major social and political causes, and subsequently also the primary mitigation and adaptation responses needed to reduce future OA and alleviate current and future consequences if not being mitigated properly.
In regards to Q1 : What are the primary causes of anthropogenic ocean acidification from a social science perspective? We found that the primary causes of anthropogenic OA from a social science perspective relate to governance and market failures. These failures are exacerbated by the global nature of OA which requires cooperation among states to address it.
However, the prospects for coordinated policy efforts, and the extent to which policy diffusion or transfer is possible, are unclear due to contextual variations. In addition, substantial impacts of OA on the generation of ecosystem services and hence on human well-being will likely alter resource distribution between individuals, which may seem unfair for those who lose out and especially among those who lose out while having contributed least to the occurrence of the problem.
Further, assuming linear changes, the rate of adaptation to OA in our human systems would have at least to keep pace with rates of ecological change in order for people to continue to derive benefits from key marine ecosystem services. With the potential for ecological tipping points, the rate of adaptation may even have to be much more rapid to avoid negative societal impacts. Our review highlights the current scant knowledge related to the extents and impacts of different market and governance failures in relation to OA, and how these interact with each other.
This review also outlined multiple ways in which Q2 society can respond to ocean acidification , with a special focus on a Swedish context. Little is currently known about the appropriateness of various existing policies, legal provisions, mechanisms, and administrative systems that address either the main cause of OA i. This lack of knowledge prevents informed assessment of the current institutional framework within which OA arises, and subsequently the design of additional or modified measures to deal with OA.
Our review also clearly demonstrates the lack of a comprehensive overview of mitigation structures, in Sweden and elsewhere. From a Swedish perspective, reducing locally managed anthropogenic pressures e. Thus, devising strategies for changing local management practices for non-OA stressors may reduce threats from OA to key ecosystem services. However, this is likely not a long-term solution. The global extent of OA, its complex social—ecological dynamics involving potential tipping points, the clear role of anthropogenic CO 2 emissions to worsen it, the large uncertainties associated with most of its dimensions, and the potentially very large impacts, all together speak for a precautionary approach to address OA see e.
While current knowledge of the problem is alarming enough to justify putting in place substantial mitigation policies, better knowledge about the socioeconomic dimensions involved in OA would contribute to policy improvements. Finally, we identified major knowledge gaps and research needs with regard to the future study of OA Q3 , which we summarize in Table 4. It is caused by increasing levels of CO 2 in seawater due to uptake of CO 2 from the atmosphere.
A market is an institution, where goods, including services and information, can be exchanged between buyers and sellers. This definition includes traditional market places but also online trade and other institutions framing the exchange of goods and services.
A perfect competition market has a large number of perfectly informed rational buyers and sellers, with well-defined property rights, no power to set the price, homogenous products, no barrier to entry or exit, no transaction costs, no impacts on third party, no economies of scale.
This combination occurs very rarely in real life. Market failures Bator are often linked to Hoch and Loewenstein , information asymmetries Stiglitz , non-competitive markets Tirole , principal—agent problems Hart and Holmstrom , externalities Laffont , or public goods Baumol and Oates Another aspect not discussed here is that CO 2 can be characterized as a non-point source pollutant. While such pollutants are often only measurable after they have entered the environment making polluting sources costly or impossible to identify; Kampas and White , CO 2 production can be identified and quantified readily at source.
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In other words, we see a declining trend in ocean pH, and we can attribute that trend quantitatively to the rise in atmospheric CO2 due to fossil fuels. The concurrence between theory and observation - as well as the absence of good alternative explanations - gives scientists high confidence that carbon dioxide pollution is causing ocean acidification.
It's really not much different from predicting that a cup of vinegar added to a gallon of distilled water will drive the acidity of that water up by a given amount - adding the vinegar - and then observing that the acidity did, indeed, go up by the expected amount. The logical, and most parsimonious, explanation is that the added vinegar caused the rise in acidity.
To conclude otherwise would require an explanation for 1 what unknown process es neutralized the added acidity of the vinegar and 2 what alternative, unseen constituent s , alternatively, caused the observed rise in acidity.
To return to the question, "Is nature causing the recent observed decline in global ocean pH? Currently, there are no known natural explanations for the observed decline in GLOBAL AVERAGE ocean pH, and, there is one, clear human-caused explanation note the global bit is important - there is natural local variation in pH but we are concerned with global shifts. Captain, if your ship were to suddenly take on water and you could identify a clear leak in the hull one the size that would explain the amount of incoming water - wouldn't it be negligent to ignore that leak in favor of finding an unseen one?
Direct historical measures of ocean pH on the scale of millions of years do not exist. However, scientists have used proxies e. Pearson and Palmer Nature use this technique, and show that global average surface ocean pH has varied over time though not necessarily cyclically , but that it has been relatively stable over the past 24 million years, ranging from 8.
Most importantly, changes in average surface pH appear to be gradual, on the scale of tens of thousands to millions of years. What concerns scientists most about the recent observed, and predicted, changes in ocean pH is that it is extremely - unprecedentedly - rapid check out Stanford's tutorial of ocean acidification - slide 4 - for a nice visual of this.
Scientists predict a change in average surface ocean pH from 8. It is this rapid rate of change that is most threatening to biology because evolution might not be able to keep up with the environmental change. However, this carbon capacity is significantly lower than at similar latitudes in the Atlantic. We're expecting at some point the storage will slow down.
When it does, more carbon dioxide will stay in the atmosphere, which means more warming. So it's really important that we continue to monitor this. Chu and her colleagues have published their results in the Journal of Geophysical Research: Oceans. The northeast Pacific, consisting of waters that flow from Alaska's Aleutian Islands to the tip of southern California, is considered somewhat of a climate canary -- sensitive to changes in ocean chemistry, and carbon dioxide in particular.
The region sits at the end of the world's ocean circulation system, where it has collected some of the oldest waters on Earth and accumulated with them a large amount of dissolved inorganic carbon, which is naturally occurring carbon that has been respired by marine organisms over thousands of years.
Add enough atmospheric carbon dioxide into the mix, and the scales could tip toward an increasingly acidic ocean, which could have an effect first in sea snails called pteropods, which depend on aragonite a form of calcium carbonate to make their protective shells. More acidic waters can make carbonate less available to pteropods. Chu and her colleagues originally set out to study the effects of ocean acidification on pteropods, rather than the ocean's capacity to store carbon.
In , the team embarked on a scientific cruise to the northeast Pacific, where they followed the same route as a similar cruise in During the month-long journey, the scientists collected samples of pteropods, as well as seawater, which they measured for temperature, salinity, and pH.
Upon their return, Chu realized that the data they collected could also be used to gauge changes in the ocean's anthropogenic carbon storage. Ordinarily, it's extremely difficult to tease out anthropogenic carbon in the ocean from carbon that naturally arises from breathing marine organisms. Both types of carbon are classified as dissolved inorganic carbon, and anthropogenic carbon in the ocean is miniscule compared to the vast amount of carbon that has accumulated naturally over millions of years.
To isolate anthropogenic carbon in the ocean and observe how it has changed through time, Chu used a modeling technique known as extended multiple linear regression -- a statistical method that models the relationships between given variables, based on observed data. The data she collected came from both the cruise and the previous cruise in the same region. She ran a model for each year, plugging in water temperature, salinity, apparent oxygen utilization, and silicate.
The models then estimated the natural variability in dissolved inorganic carbon for each year. That is, the models calculated the amount of carbon that should vary from to , only based on natural processes such as organic respiration.
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